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Showing posts with label genetics versus environment. Show all posts
Showing posts with label genetics versus environment. Show all posts

Tuesday, July 18, 2017

Book Review: "Behave" by Robert M. Sapolsky




For anyone who wants to understand all of the huge number of factors that influence human behavior, as well as counter overly pat, simple, or downright mythological explanations for it, I cannot recommend a book more highly than this one. Every page – and there are almost 700 of them - is just packed with enlightening information on the role of almost everything you can think of. 

These factors include genes, gene regulation, epigenetics, neurotransmitters, hormones, brain structures, neural networks, unconscious cuing and sensory triggers, stress responses and protective factors, neural plasticity, peers and social acceptance, attachment figures, brain development in childhood and adolescence, socioeconomic and hierarchical status, collectivist vs. individualistic cultures, gender, reactions to “them” vs. “us,” heritibility  vs. inheritance of traits, gene/environmental interactions,  population density, evolution (individual, kin, and group selection), reciprocal and pathological altruism, obedience vs. resistance, cooperation vs. competition, and empathy. And a whole lot more.

Can one book really be that encyclopedic?? Yes! I have no idea how he accomplished writing this. 

If you do not understand some of the scientific concepts that are under discussion, he conveniently includes three appendices in the book to help explain them. Not that the main body of the book is dry and overly technical. It is laced throughout with witty jokes, stories, and ironic observations that kept me thoroughly entertained.

Does he leave anything out? Well, yes, he does not seem to know about the effects of rapid cultural change on families which may create shared intrapsychic conflicts leading to parents giving mixed messages to their children which then trigger and reinforce their repetitive self destructive behavior. But I haven’t yet seen anyone else write about that besides me – at least not in the way I have conceptualized the process - so I wouldn’t expect that. He also doesn’t discuss the effects of chaos theory on the amazingly multi-factorial “causes” of behavior he goes into - a minor quibble.

Sapolsky shoots down behavioral and neuroscientific myths believed by health care professionals, some scientists, and the lay public alike (what mirror neurons actually do, for example) with the abandon of someone armed with an Uzi facing off against people armed with swords. Amazing.

Some of his important points: 

1.       Brains and cultures co-evolve.

2.       We haven’t evolved to be selfish or altruistic, but to behave in particular ways in particular settings. Context is everything.

3.       Genes are not about inevitabilities, but about potentials and vulnerabilities, and they do not determine any behavior on their own.

4.       Evolution has been most consequential when altering regulation of genes, not the genes themselves.

5.       Saying a biological system works well is not a value judgment – it can function equally well for those who do something wonderful or in those who do something horrific.

6.       Nothing seems to cause anything - everything just modulates something else within a specific environmental context. And changing one thing often changes ten other things as a byproduct.

7.       Any causative factor within any specified population of individuals within any specific environmental context has an average effect on behavior that may or may not apply to any given individual. There are always exceptions.

What an accomplishment.

Tuesday, October 11, 2016

Stupid Researcher Tricks




When David Letterman was a late night TV talk show host, he had a recurring segment called "stupid pet tricks." In this vein, this post is titled "stupid researcher tricks." The authors of certain studies in psychiatry employ logical fallacies - either knowingly or in some cases unknowingly - in their discussions of their results. This often results in their drawing totally misleading conclusions from their data.

I will discuss two telling examples of such fallacies. The first involves employing a hidden assumption that is not true. I discussed the general issue of hidden assumptions in a previous post. The particular example in this post can actually be thought of as Part II of my post on the heritability fraud. The second example involves a subtle logical fallacy known as the ecological fallacy: making inferences about individuals based on data obtained that characterizes an entire group, using averages on various measures, to which that individual belongs.

In the previous "heritablility" post I wrote about how that term is falsely used as a synonym with "genetic" in studies that purport to sort out genetic versus environmental factors leading to the development of personality traits or behavioral disorders. The statistic is developed from twin studies: identical versus fraternal twins, and/or those identical twins raised together and those raised apart. 

As previously described, these studies - despite frequent claims to the contrary - do almost nothing to sort out genetic versus environmental influences. The reason is because the statistic is based on phenotype (the final interactional product of genes + environment) and not genotype. As such, it includes a mix of purely genetic factors and factors that result from gene-environmental interactions, and there is no way to know how much of each is contained therein.

Another aspect of these studies I mentioned in the previous post: they also divide environmental influences into "shared" (family and home) and "unshared" (peers, media, teachers, and other outside factors). I mentioned that a determination of which parts of an environment are shared by siblings and which are unshared has a lot in common with finding water with a divining rod, because parents do not treat all of their children alike. Nor does each twin have exactly the same interactions with each and every other family member from the moment they are born to the moment they die.

Interestingly, the "shared" environments in these studies usually come out as less important in leading to behavioral issues than the "unshared!" This would mean that family and parental behavior is less of a factor in personality development than outside influences - something that runs counter to logic for a variety of reasons (for example: which peer group someone chooses to hang out with - when there are several different ones to choose from -  is not an accident).  

The researchers almost have to find that family is less important that peers and media because they just ASSUME that each twin is subject to identical influences inside the home. If you make this assumption, and then if the twins turn out differently on some characteristic, of course the home will appear to have no influence!

Maybe these ignoramuses should read the family systems literature on how siblings are treated differently. The more dysfunctional the family, the bigger the differences! 

Example number two, studies that employs the ecological fallacy, involves those that compare two different psychotherapy treatments for the same disorder. These studies are relatively uncommon, as most psychotherapy outcome studies compare a treatment with a "control" condition like a wait list or "treatment as usual" rather than with a second type of treatment. (Those control groups are also invalid, but that is a matter not relevant to this discussion).

In the few studies that compare one school of therapy with another, an interesting statistic is that 85% of the time, the treatment favored by the person designing the experiment "wins" and outperforms the other treatment [Luborsky, L., Diguer, L., Seligman, D. A., et. al. 1999.  "The Researcher’s Own Therapy Allegiances:  A “Wild card” in Comparisons of Treatment Efficacy." Clinical Psychology: Science and Practice, 6, 95-106]. This is due to something called the allegiance effect - the more enthusiastic a therapist in a study is about their own school, the better the patient tends to do.

But even ignoring this clear-cut sign that research conclusions in comparative outcome studies are inherently misleading, let us suppose that with one therapy treatment in the study, 45% of the patients improve significantly, while in the other, only 30% do. The conclusion of the researchers: the first treatment is superior.

Wrong.

This conclusion presupposes that all patients react to treatments somewhat identically, despite the fact that the majority (or at least a significant percentage) of patients in both arms of the study did not improve. It is quite likely that some patients are more comfortable and do much better with one of the therapy treatments than with the other. Of course there is no way to know for certain, but it is quite possible that the 45 percent of people who respond to the allegedly superior treatment are very different in many respects than are the 30% who respond to the allegedly inferior therapy.

A well-designed study, on the other hand, would have to recognize these differences and would look at the characteristics of the four different groups that comprised the study: those who got better with treatment A, those who got better with treatment B, those who responded poorly to treatment A, and those who responded poorly to treatment B. The researchers could then match the patient with the type of therapy they seemed to do best with, and then and only then compare outcomes.

In other words, as I have pointed out elsewhere, no matter what therapy intervention you use, some people will improve with it, while others either will not improve or may even get worse! Different strokes for different folks, people.




Tuesday, May 14, 2013

Genes, Environment, and Strategic Planning in Human Behavior: a Primer




Most psychiatrists used to agree that, in order to best treat patients with psychological problems, we should use what has been termed the biopsychosocial model. This means that both the behavior problem and/or mental disorder is caused or maintained by a combination of factors including biological and genetic propensities, psychological processes including affects, cognitions, defenses, etc., and social factors such as dysfunctional interpersonal relationships and history of trauma.  Treatment should address all of the important contributing factors.

If fact, there are no biological, psychological, or social factors that are either necessary or sufficient to produce the vast majority of mental disorders and behavioral problems. There are only risk factors, or factors that increase or decrease the odds that someone will develop and/or maintain such problems.  Whichever factor you choose, some people will have none of it and will develop the disorder, while others will have a lot of it and not develop the disorder.

In theory, no one in the field will admit that they favor only focusing on one domain or another, or as philosophers call doing that, reductionism. But lately, psychiatrists in particular are using a bio-bio-bio model. In particular, genetic influences on behavior are grossly exaggerated, despite the fact that any neurobiologist worth his salt knows that no complex human behavior is caused by one gene or one group of genes.

Human beings are not very instinctual. A great deal of what we do is learned.  Hell, we don’t even know how to do something as biologically important as procreate, unless someone tells us how or we discover sexual intercourse through trial and error. (Fortunately, most of us figure it out eventually). We all have the biological urge to merge, of course, but how to go about it? We don’t know innately. Unlike say, a certain species of wasp that always does a complicated mating dance that is identical to that performed by every other wasp of the same species - without the benefit of having seen another wasp do the dance.

It is important to remember that the vast majority of genes in a given cell are turned off. They ain’t doin’ nothin’. They only get turned on by environmental factors. In terms of neurons, the environmental factors that turn them off and on are quite often those from the interpersonal environment. Furthermore, all neural pathways in the brain compete with each other in a Darwinian, survival of the fittest sense. If they are not stimulated by the environment, synaptic connections between neurons weaken and then disappear altogether. If they are stimulated repeatedly, they get stronger (long-term potentiation).

The only exceptions are certain tracts in a part of the brain called the amygdala, which form early in life in response to attachment figures. You know, parents. These synaptic pathways seem to be highly resistant to weakening through the usual process of neural plasticity. They can be overridden but not destroyed. There are, in fact, cells in the amygdala that respond only to a mother’s face, and others that respond only to a father's. Maybe Freud was on to something after all.

And then there’s the matter of a major function of the human brain: the ability to set goals, make mental models of possible strategies for achieving those goals, planning them out, anticipating and visualizing problems that may arise, putting effort into them, revising them along the way as new information becomes available, and then achieving them. This brain function seems to be thought of as non-existent by those who study the "heritability" of human behavior. This, despite the fact that those who design such studies are in the process of doing that very thing!!

Allow me to provide a primer on the nature of human behavior and its antecedents, using human language as the example.

Beginning with linguistics expert Noam Chomsky (whatever you think of his politics being irrelevant), linguists have shown repeatedly that there is a huge genetic component to human language. The human brain structure limits the possible syntactical and grammatical forms language can take, as well as the available sounds.

Noam Chomsky

However, whether you speak Greek or Swahili is entirely determined, 100%, by your environment.

And whether you speak Greek and Swahili is usually determined 100% by your conscious decision to learn a second language and the effort you choose to put into the task.

Wednesday, September 14, 2011

Why Do Some Siblings From Troubled Families Turn Out Fine, While Others Flounder?


Tag - You're It!


One nice thing about Google Blogs is that Google provides blog authors like myself with the search terms used in search engines that have led potential readers to find our blogs. 

One recent search term leading a reader to one of my posts struck me.  It was "Five children.  One BPD [borderline personality disorder].  Why?" 

What an excellent question!

Unbelievably, I still occasionally hear the argument that this or that behavioral disorder could not possibly be shaped primarily by dysfunctional relationships with parents, because other children of the offending parents turned out quite different.  That fact proves the disorder is biogenetic?  Of course, in addition to growing up in the same household, siblings also happen to share many of the same genes - but that point is seldom brought up by people who make such claims. 

Anyway, neuroscientists already know for certain that complex behaviors in human beings are not determined by single genes or even by groups of genes.
That siblings turn out different is quite true.  In fact, they can and often do turn out to be polar opposites!  In some families, for example, one son may become a workaholic and the other a lazy freeloader who refuses to keep a job.  I have difficulty imagining a genetic mechanism that would lead to an outcome like that, but it can be easily explained by looking at family dynamics and psychology.
The ridiculous assumption implicit in the sibling argument is that parents treat all of their children the same. 

Do you have siblings?  Do you have more than one child?  Tell me if the siblings are all treated exactly the same by your parents or in your family.  Come on, be honest.


The Smothers Brothers comedy duo in the sixties and seventies made an entire career out of feigned sibling rivalry summed up by Tommy Smother’s catch phrase, “Ma always liked you best.”  Clearly this theme resonated with a lot of people.  Does anybody really treat all of their children in a nearly identical manner?  How could they?  Children are born with major differences from one another that force parents to react differently even if they try not to. 
"Ma always liked you best."

Even more important, anyone who thinks that some parents do not pick out some of their children to treat like Cinderellas and others to treat like princesses has his or her head in the sand. 
In some ethnic groups, contrasting and seemingly unfair treatment of siblings because of their birth order is actually mandated by the culture.  For example, in some Chinese families the oldest son is groomed to inherit the family business, while his younger brother inherits much less if anything.  In many Mexican American families, the oldest daughter has the duty to look after her younger siblings.  She may have to forego her own high school social life in order to do so, while her younger sister has far fewer family obligations and gets to party on. 

Of course, parental behavior is hardly the only influence on how children turn out after they grow up, but it remains one of the most important and potent ones.
Indirect evidence that children are responding to environmental contingincies in the family and not to genetics is also provided by a phenomenon I have occasionally seen that I call sibling substitution. 
I derived this term from a similar term, symptom substitution, which is a subject that was a bone of contention between psychoanalytic therapists - who thought psychological symptoms were caused by an individual’s internal emotional conflicts - and behavior therapists - who thought that symptoms were caused by environmental rewards and punishments impacting certain behaviors. 

The behaviorists claimed that if they just taught patients new and better habits and reinforced them, then they would be completely cured. The analysts said that would not work because the patient’s underlying conflict would still be present, so the patient would therefore develop a new and different symptom.  The behaviorists claimed to have proof that their side won the argument, but that might be because they cured things like phobias that were not caused by internal conflicts in the first place.  Neither side had any evidence for their argument when it came to dysfunctional personality traits.
What I noticed was that if I somehow successfully helped patients to significantly change a dysfunctional role that they were playing within a family of origin, they often did not develop any new dysfunctional behavior, just as the behaviorists would have predicted.  Unfortunately, a previously unaffected brother or sister would suddenly step into the role they vacated!  Hence, no symptom substitution.  Sibling substitution.  While as a patient's therapist I did not owe anything to his or her sibling, I still found this result less than satisfying.  I helped a patient, but in the process I helped screw over his brother!  What good is that?
To illustrate, say that one sibling is the “Chosen One” who has agreed to fulfill a dysfunctional role: He's the one who never gets married so that he remains free to never leave home - in order to keep an eye on an ailing mother after a father runs off.  Let us further suppose that the Chosen One suddenly says to Mom, “I can’t do this any more.  I’m moving out so I can have a life of my own.  You need to find someone your own age to take care of you!” and actually moves out (Mind you, this is something most people playing such a role are highly unlikely to ever do). 

If he follows through, he will usually first suffer universal condemnation from every relative he has.  If that powerful family maneuver does not get him to change his mind, as it usually will, a brother may then move in with Mom and take his place.  The brother may even develop marital problems that lead to a divorce so that he can free himself up to do so.
As an aside, this sequence of events might seem to indicate that all the siblings in such a family had, until this point, been perfectly willing to let one of their number stay in the unhappy position of Chosen One so they could selfishly go off and lead their own lives.  However, selfishness may not be the complete reason they had stayed out of Mom's problems. 

They may pressure the Chosen One to stay in the role, not just to let themselves off the hook, but because they think their mother actually prefers the Chosen One in the role, and wants no one else to play it.  The Chosen One was, in a sense, picked out by Mom specifically to play the role. The Chosen One is treated by the siblings in the way they do for Mom's benefit, not just their own!
So how does it happen that only one sibling among many is chosen to be and volunteers to be (almost always both)  the Chosen One in a situation where a role is not determined culturally by sibling position or gender?  For simplicity’s sake, lets call that person “It,” like in the game of tag. Before I give my opinion on that question, I want to describe a recent journal article that attempted to look at why siblings turn out so different from one another when they allegedly grew up in the same environment.
In an article in the Journal of Personality Disorders entitled, “Psychopathology, Childhood Trauma, and Personality Traits in Patients with Borderline Personality Disorder and Their Sisters,” Lise Laporte, Joel Paris and others studied the sisters of female patients with BPD.  They state in the abstract: "Most sisters showed little evidence of psychopathology [mental problems]. Both groups reported dysfunctional parent-child relationships and a high prevalence of childhood trauma.
Dr. Joel Paris, my colleague in the Association for Research in Personality Disorders

They concluded that the psychological traits of “affective instability” [high reactivity and emotionality] and impulsiveness predicted the degree of borderline pathology over and above the effects of childhood trauma or adversity.  They do not claim that these traits are genetic or inborn exactly, but that seems to be the implication.  Of course, inborn traits do affect the likelihood of the development of borderline personality disorder, but perhaps not in the way that the authors of this study imply.  More on that shortly.
On closer look at the actual numbers, however, a somewhat different picture emerges.  True, only three of 56 sisters in the sample had the disorder themselves, and parental neglect was equally prevalent among the patients and their sisters. However, 76.8% of patients with BPD reported emotional abuse, while only 53.4% of sisters did.  The severity of this type of abuse was also higher for the patients.  Differences in sexual abuse were even more pronounced, with 26.8% of patients and only 8.9% of sisters reporting such abuse.  In this case, however, the severity of the abuse suffered was similar.
As the authors point out, we know that childhood trauma alone does not lead predictably to any specific psychological disorder, but seems to be a risk factor for almost all of them. 
So is resilience in the face of severe family dysfunction primarily genetic?  The short answer is that we do not have the foggiest notion.   In order to really find out, we would have to genotype babies and then do prospective studies lasting all the way through childhood in which the family was filmed twenty-four hours a day – an impossible task.  Maybe the focus of maladaptive parenting was greater on one child than another, and the difference in focus is what leads to the affective instability and impulsivity in the affected sibling – although genes clearly might make one sibling somewhat more prone to these traits than another. 

The authors discount the idea that the dysfunctional parenting was differentially applied  to the sisters in their study, despite the significant differences in some of the numbers.  The sisters, they wrote, reported “equally impaired” relationship with the parents.
But this conclusion may be due to the fact that the important differences in parenting between siblings are far more subtle than studies of this type can possibly measure.  The number of beatings by the father, for example, may be the same for the two girls, but what about everything else that takes place in the father's separate relationships with the two daughters?  Was the father nicer to one than the other at those times when he was not being abusive?  What was said to each girl during the beatings?  I find that details such as these are of crucial importance in understanding patients with BPD.
As I said in my blogpost of Sept 15, Childhood Sexual Abuse Taken Out of Context: “Studies that examine psychological and social variables in child sexual abuse (CSA) tend to focus on factors such as who the perpetrator was, what type of abuse was suffered (penetration vs. fondling, for example), the severity and frequency of the abuse, and whether the social welfare or criminal justice system became involved. Rarely, the response of non-abusive relatives to CSA victims, usually the mother, is examined. ..

Clearly, most of the victim’s interactions with perpetrators and bystanders alike occur at times when abuse is not occurring, and these other parts of such relationships may also have profound effects on the victim’s later relationships and self image. Again, due to their staggering complexity and intermittent nature, they are difficult to study using statistical techniques.

Contextual factors include the entire history of the relationship between the victim and the perpetrator: what is said during, before, and after the abuse; what the relationship between victim and perpetrators is like when the abuse is not taking place; what other people in the family are doing at the time of the abuse and at other times; how each family member relates to the victim; who if anybody knows what is going on and whether or not they intervene; and a whole host of other characteristics of the interpersonal environment of the victim.
Even during abuse, a victim’s interactions with a perpetrator is not limited to the sex act alone. Words may be spoken; other activities may occur right before, right after, and even simultaneously.”  
These considerations are, while of vital importance, are almost impossible to quantify.

“So get to the question of why one child is singled out already,” I hear you complaining.  “Why would parents focus their conflictual behavior on one or perhaps two of their children, leaving the others relatively unscathed?"  OK, OK, I'll tell you why I think that happens. 
In families with several children, which child or children become the primary focus of the parents’ conflicts and problems depends on a variety of factors.  Certainly a child’s innate temperament plays a role, so we cannot leave genetics completely out of the equation.  A parent who really does not fully want to be a parent but who feels guilty about this impulse (something commonly seen in families that produce a child with BPD), will react more problematically to an innately difficult child than to an easy child.  The latter simply requires a lot less attention, while the former requires much more time. 
Additionally, the problems exhibited by a difficult child may feed into a parent’s guilt over wishes to be free of family burdens.  The parents may become concerned that perhaps their unacknowledged dislike for taking care of children is the cause of the child’s problems.  Hence, parents who are already feeling overburdened yet guilty will often feel guiltier with difficult children.  In response, they often try to overcompensate by getting more involved with those children, which may then further increase their resentment over the parenting role.  The difficult temperament of the child and the internal conflict of the parents feed off of one another, leading to more family conflict and chaos, and so forth.

I will describe how the parents may develop such an internal conflict in my next post. 
Another major factor which determines which child or children become “It” has to do with the natural similarities between particular children and the parents themselves, or between the children and other family members with whom the parents may have had a conflictual or problematic relationship.  Parents are well known to both identify and counter-identify with their own children. 
Say, for example, the mother is the oldest sister in a traditional Chicano family and had been required to give up her social life or college as a young woman in order to take care of her younger siblings.  She then grows up and has children of her own, thrusting her back into the exact same, conflictual position. Because of identification, she might feel sorry for her oldest daughter and envious of her youngest daughter.  Conversely, depending on the extent and severity of her resentment and her conflict over it, she might be harshest on the eldest daughter, who reminds her most of herself.
Either way, the manner in which she interacts with each daughter will be completely different. 
In a similar fashion, light skinned vs. dark skinned children in black families may be the seed of subconscious differential treatment by parents.
Yet another major factor in one child becoming “It” is that parents may often subconsciously displace conflicted feelings about their own parents or other family members on to children who have a physical resemblance or a similar innate personality to the problem parent. That child may then become the focus of the parent’s anger, guilt, or a variety of other problematic feelings, thereby creating a special bond (be it positive or negative) with that particular child and not with any of the others.
Because of the multiplicity of factors involved, determining the exact reasons why one child is the primary focus in any particular family is a speculative and difficult endeavor.  Luckily, in psychotherapy an absolutely accurate and precise identification of these factors is not necessary for planning strategies for altering dysfunctional interactions.  An educated guess will usually suffice.

Thursday, January 6, 2011

ADHD: Now You See It; Now You Don't

Headline in the December 2010 Edition of Clinical Psychiatry News:

"ADHD Diagnosis 'Extremely Transient' Over 1-Year Period." 

The article describes what J. Blake Turner, Ph.D. found when he analyzed serial assessments of 8,714 children and adolescents.  At the annual meeting of the American Academy of Child & Adolesent Psychiatry, he reported that, "Generally, the loss of the diagnosis" was more likely than its persistence over a relatively short period of time. 

Roughly 1,200 total cases were identified initially - a fairly astonishing percentage of the sample in and by itself.  In the four studies looked at, loss of the ADHD disgnosis occured  in 55-75% for the "inattentive" type of ADHD, 55-65% for the "hyperactive" type, and 18-35% for the "combined" type during the year the subjects were studied. 

The disappearance of the diagnostic criteria did not usually result from a small change in those kids who barely met the criteria in the first place - the kids described in the study lost on average five different ADHD symptoms.

Do neurodevelopmental disorders disappear like this?  I think not.  Are the majority of children diagnosed with ADHD merely reacting to stressful environments?  I am sure the reader can guess my opinion on that question.


But did we not just hear a story in the news a couple of months ago about a study that was reported to be proof positive that ADHD was a genetic disease, and therefore could not possibly ever be a behavioral problem resulting from dysfunctional family interactions? 

The study that was widely reported under a headline implying this genetic "proof" of ADHD and disproof of family problems was published in a medical journal called the Lancet on September 30.

In the study's genome-wide analysis, 366 children 5 to 17 years of age who met diagnostic criteria for ADHD but not schizophrenia or autism and 1047 matched controls not diagnosed with the condition were studied. Researchers found that compared with the control group without the ADHD label, children with the disorder were twice as likely — approximately 15% vs 7% — to have copy number variants (CNVs).

CNVs  are sections of the genome in which there are variations from the usual 2 copies of each chromosome, such that some individuals will carry just 1 (a deletion) and others will have 3 or more (duplications).

Of course, even if the presence of CNV's were serious proof that ADHD is invariably a genetic disorder - and it is not  for reasons I will mention shortly - this would mean that a whopping eighty five percent of kids diagnosed with ADHD did not have the disorder!  That is one hell of a rate of misdiagnosis.

The presence of CNV's do not prove genetic origins for most cases of ADHD at all, although they may quite possibly predispose some individuals to develop deficits in the neural networks of their brains.  As you can see from the above data, 7% of normal kids have them. 

Second, a high percentage of the kids diagnosed with ADHD who did have increased rates of CNVs also exhibited learning disabilities.  In ancient times when I was in training, problems with attention were thought to be a side effect of learning disabilites such as dyslexia.

 Last, the presence of higher numbers of CNV's in the regions of chromosomes the study authors found them in is not specific to ADHD, but is also seen in autism and schizophrenia.

This study should win the Oscar for Most Highly Exaggerated Claims of Significance of Data in a Research Study.  Shame on the press for going along with the ruse.