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Showing posts with label Childhood adversities. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Childhood adversities. Show all posts

Tuesday, February 10, 2015

Dumb Hidden Assumptions in Drug Abuse Research - An Update


And do not forget the private prison system and racist people in positions of power who want to ruin the lives of as many African-American youths as possible.

In my post of November 21, 2014, I reported on a study that showed that regular adolescent marijuana use was associated with a reduced likelihood of finishing high school, among other things. The authors of the study attributed these results to marijuana essentially causing brain damage, rather than to the fact the kids who feel the need to get stoned all the time have other problems which could easily account for their poor performance. Almost none of these other problems were controlled for in the study.

I asked, "What on earth makes people who draw the conclusion that the drug was the primary cause of the lower achievement become so stupid that they don't see that frequent drug use is a sign that the teens already had emotional problems before they even started smoking - and that it was these problems that predate the drug use that were the real cause of both the drug use AND the poor performance?"

Well guess what? Two new studies show exactly what I was talking about.

First was a new, ongoing study funded by the U.K. Medical Research Council, the Welcome Trust, and the University of Bristol, whose authors had no financial conflicts of interest. It's key clinical point: Previous research findings showing poorer cognitive performance in cannabis users may have resulted from the lifestyle, behavior, and personal history typically associated with cannabis use rather than the cannabis use itself.

Occasional to moderate cannabis use at a young age was not found to be associated with detrimental effects on cognition or educational performance. It was true that adolescents with heavier use – defined in the study as self-reported lifetime use of cannabis 50 times or more by age 15 – had a modest 2.9% decrease in educational performance on a compulsory school exam given at age 15 or 16, compared with never-users. However, heavier use had no impact at all on IQ scores measured at age 15 after adjustment for potential confounding factors.

"Previous research findings showing poorer cognitive performance in cannabis users may have resulted from the lifestyle, behavior, and personal history typically associated with cannabis use rather than cannabis use itself,” said Claire Mokrysz, of University College London.

She reported on 2,612 children who had their IQ tested at ages 8 and 15. Adolescents with heavier cannabis use by age 15 had a nearly a 3-point lower IQ at that age than did never-users, after adjustment for IQ at age 8. However, upon further adjustment for maternal education, pregnancy, and early-life factors, and use of tobacco, alcohol, and other recreational drugs, the difference in IQ between heavier and never-users vanished.

Heavier users of cannabis scored an initially impressive 11% lower than never-users on the standardized educational performance exam in an unadjusted analysis. After adjustment for the potential confounders, however, the difference shrank to a modest 2.9%. 

Performance, by the way, is not the same thing as ability. Even in this study, no effort was made to control for the motivation of test subjects, or for whether they were being distracted by ongoing problems such as family chaos at home.

The authors added that the belief that cannabis is particularly harmful may detract focus from and awareness of other potentially harmful behaviors. Not to mention other more important psychological and family issues.

The second study was done by neuroscientists at the University of Colorado at Boulder and published January 28, 2015 in the Journal of Neuroscience. Its major finding: Daily marijuana use is not associated with brain shrinkage when using a like-for-like method to control for the effects of alcohol consumption on those who both drink and toke up.

Kent Hutchison, a clinical neuroscientist at the University of Colorado, Boulder, and the senior author of the study, said his team reviewed a number of scientific papers that showed marijuana causes different parts of the brain to shrink, and his team found the studies were not consistent.

"So far, there's not a lot of evidence to suggest that you have these gross volume changes" in the brain, Hutchison said. 

I wonder how often Nora Volkow and other leaders of the National Institute on Drug Abuse will discuss these two studies or even mention them in their public presentations opposing marijuana legalization. Probable answer: NEVER.


Friday, November 21, 2014

Dumb Hidden Assumptions in Drug Abuse Research




The mental health professions these days seem to want to blame their patients' repetitive problematic or self-destructive behavior on just about anything except what is, in the large majority of cases, the primary causes: family dysfunction and adverse childhood experiences (ACE’s). And I mean, they would rather it be almost anything else.

In my post of February 26, 2011, I discussed how a slight increase in aggressive thoughts following the playing of violent  video games by adolescents was translated by researchers into the games being a major risk factor for the development of youth violence. The fact that most compulsive video game players are inveterate couch potatoes who do not get out much never entered into discussions.

Not surprisingly, a recent longitudinal study (Fergus0n et. al., J. Psychiatr Res 2012; 46: 141-146), showed that, by taking other variables into account such as intra-family violence, the correlation between video games and even short-term aggression could no longer be established.  Another older paper from the same lead author (Ferguson and Rueda,  J Exp Criminol, 2009; 5:121-137) showed that aggressiveness in the laboratory, as expected, did not correlate with violent acts in real life.

Focusing on minor targets like video games risks leading social activists and public policy makers to ignore the far more important causes of youth violence like child abuse.

So of course, now that the tide is turning against the insane drug war against  marijuana, which has turned a significant percentage of the population into criminals (who tend to only be prosecuted if they happen to be African American), the folks who refuse to look at reality are now publishing "studies" that attribute a host of problematic behavior almost entirely to the devil weed – while all the while making the most ridiculous hidden assumptions imaginable. 

People who feel the need to be stoned all the time have enough problems; we do not need to make up a bunch of other ones.

In Carl Hart’s book High Price , he recounts his adventures as a reviewer of potential drug abuse studies for funding from the National Institutes of Health. He mentioned that the research agenda was being controlled by the National Institute on Drug Abuse (NIDA). He makes it clear that they were only interested in studies that showed the dangers of street drugs, not on studies which countered the many myths in the field that he had described in the rest of the book. (NIDA also ignores the dangers of the very same drugs they demonize when Pharma sells them for conditions such as "ADHD").

Now comes a study out of Australia and New Zealand: “Young adult sequelae of adolescent cannabis use: an integrative analysis” by Edmund Silins and others. (Lancet Psychiatry, 2014;
1: 286–93). Here is the abstract:

Methods: We integrated participant-level data from three large, long-running longitudinal studies from Australia and New Zealand: the Australian Temperament Project, the Christchurch Health and Development Study, and the Victorian Adolescent Health Cohort Study. We investigated the association between the maximum frequency of cannabis use before age 17 years (never, less than monthly, monthly or more, weekly or more, or daily) and seven developmental outcomes assessed up to age 30 years (high-school completion, attainment of university degree, cannabis dependence, use of other illicit drugs, suicide attempt, depression, and welfare dependence). The number of participants varied by outcome (N=2537 to N=3765).

Findings: We recorded clear and consistent associations and dose-response relations between the frequency of adolescent cannabis use and all adverse young adult outcomes. After covariate adjustment, compared with individuals who had never used cannabis, those who were daily users before age 17 years had clear reductions in the odds of high school completion (adjusted odds ratio 0·37, 95% CI 0·20–0·66) and degree attainment (0·38, 0·22–0·66), and substantially increased odds of later cannabis dependence (17·95, 9·44–34·12), use of other illicit drugs (7·80, 4·46–13·63), and suicide attempt (6·83, 2·04–22·90).

Interpretation: Adverse sequelae of adolescent cannabis use are wide ranging and extend into young adulthood. Prevention or delay of cannabis use in adolescence is likely to have broad health and social benefi ts. Efforts to reform cannabis legislation should be carefully assessed to ensure they reduce adolescent cannabis use and prevent potentially adverse developmental effects.

Funding: Australian Government National Health

The authors claimed to control for confounding variables, but most of these "controlled" variables were unrelated to ACE’s or ongoing family chaos. They were such things as age, sex, ethnicity, socioeconomic status and mental illness. The authors did control for a few possibly relevant parental variables like alcohol use, tobacco use, divorces, and history of depression. But not for how the parents actually behaved around their children, how they treated their children, child abuse or neglect, how chaotic the home environment was, or how and how consistently the children were or were not disciplined.

What on earth makes people who draw the conclusion that the drug was the primary cause of the lower achievement become so stupid that they don't see that frequent drug use is a sign that the teens already had emotional problems before they even started smoking - and that it was these problems that predate the drug use that were the real cause of both the drug use AND the poor performance?

The authors used exactly one rather vague sentence in their discussion to refer to this possibility, which most readers will miss: “…cannabis use in adolescence could be a marker of developmental trajectories that place young people at increased risk of adverse psychosocial outcomes.” (p. 291). 

Ya think?

Wednesday, September 14, 2011

Why Do Some Siblings From Troubled Families Turn Out Fine, While Others Flounder?


Tag - You're It!


One nice thing about Google Blogs is that Google provides blog authors like myself with the search terms used in search engines that have led potential readers to find our blogs. 

One recent search term leading a reader to one of my posts struck me.  It was "Five children.  One BPD [borderline personality disorder].  Why?" 

What an excellent question!

Unbelievably, I still occasionally hear the argument that this or that behavioral disorder could not possibly be shaped primarily by dysfunctional relationships with parents, because other children of the offending parents turned out quite different.  That fact proves the disorder is biogenetic?  Of course, in addition to growing up in the same household, siblings also happen to share many of the same genes - but that point is seldom brought up by people who make such claims. 

Anyway, neuroscientists already know for certain that complex behaviors in human beings are not determined by single genes or even by groups of genes.
That siblings turn out different is quite true.  In fact, they can and often do turn out to be polar opposites!  In some families, for example, one son may become a workaholic and the other a lazy freeloader who refuses to keep a job.  I have difficulty imagining a genetic mechanism that would lead to an outcome like that, but it can be easily explained by looking at family dynamics and psychology.
The ridiculous assumption implicit in the sibling argument is that parents treat all of their children the same. 

Do you have siblings?  Do you have more than one child?  Tell me if the siblings are all treated exactly the same by your parents or in your family.  Come on, be honest.


The Smothers Brothers comedy duo in the sixties and seventies made an entire career out of feigned sibling rivalry summed up by Tommy Smother’s catch phrase, “Ma always liked you best.”  Clearly this theme resonated with a lot of people.  Does anybody really treat all of their children in a nearly identical manner?  How could they?  Children are born with major differences from one another that force parents to react differently even if they try not to. 
"Ma always liked you best."

Even more important, anyone who thinks that some parents do not pick out some of their children to treat like Cinderellas and others to treat like princesses has his or her head in the sand. 
In some ethnic groups, contrasting and seemingly unfair treatment of siblings because of their birth order is actually mandated by the culture.  For example, in some Chinese families the oldest son is groomed to inherit the family business, while his younger brother inherits much less if anything.  In many Mexican American families, the oldest daughter has the duty to look after her younger siblings.  She may have to forego her own high school social life in order to do so, while her younger sister has far fewer family obligations and gets to party on. 

Of course, parental behavior is hardly the only influence on how children turn out after they grow up, but it remains one of the most important and potent ones.
Indirect evidence that children are responding to environmental contingincies in the family and not to genetics is also provided by a phenomenon I have occasionally seen that I call sibling substitution. 
I derived this term from a similar term, symptom substitution, which is a subject that was a bone of contention between psychoanalytic therapists - who thought psychological symptoms were caused by an individual’s internal emotional conflicts - and behavior therapists - who thought that symptoms were caused by environmental rewards and punishments impacting certain behaviors. 

The behaviorists claimed that if they just taught patients new and better habits and reinforced them, then they would be completely cured. The analysts said that would not work because the patient’s underlying conflict would still be present, so the patient would therefore develop a new and different symptom.  The behaviorists claimed to have proof that their side won the argument, but that might be because they cured things like phobias that were not caused by internal conflicts in the first place.  Neither side had any evidence for their argument when it came to dysfunctional personality traits.
What I noticed was that if I somehow successfully helped patients to significantly change a dysfunctional role that they were playing within a family of origin, they often did not develop any new dysfunctional behavior, just as the behaviorists would have predicted.  Unfortunately, a previously unaffected brother or sister would suddenly step into the role they vacated!  Hence, no symptom substitution.  Sibling substitution.  While as a patient's therapist I did not owe anything to his or her sibling, I still found this result less than satisfying.  I helped a patient, but in the process I helped screw over his brother!  What good is that?
To illustrate, say that one sibling is the “Chosen One” who has agreed to fulfill a dysfunctional role: He's the one who never gets married so that he remains free to never leave home - in order to keep an eye on an ailing mother after a father runs off.  Let us further suppose that the Chosen One suddenly says to Mom, “I can’t do this any more.  I’m moving out so I can have a life of my own.  You need to find someone your own age to take care of you!” and actually moves out (Mind you, this is something most people playing such a role are highly unlikely to ever do). 

If he follows through, he will usually first suffer universal condemnation from every relative he has.  If that powerful family maneuver does not get him to change his mind, as it usually will, a brother may then move in with Mom and take his place.  The brother may even develop marital problems that lead to a divorce so that he can free himself up to do so.
As an aside, this sequence of events might seem to indicate that all the siblings in such a family had, until this point, been perfectly willing to let one of their number stay in the unhappy position of Chosen One so they could selfishly go off and lead their own lives.  However, selfishness may not be the complete reason they had stayed out of Mom's problems. 

They may pressure the Chosen One to stay in the role, not just to let themselves off the hook, but because they think their mother actually prefers the Chosen One in the role, and wants no one else to play it.  The Chosen One was, in a sense, picked out by Mom specifically to play the role. The Chosen One is treated by the siblings in the way they do for Mom's benefit, not just their own!
So how does it happen that only one sibling among many is chosen to be and volunteers to be (almost always both)  the Chosen One in a situation where a role is not determined culturally by sibling position or gender?  For simplicity’s sake, lets call that person “It,” like in the game of tag. Before I give my opinion on that question, I want to describe a recent journal article that attempted to look at why siblings turn out so different from one another when they allegedly grew up in the same environment.
In an article in the Journal of Personality Disorders entitled, “Psychopathology, Childhood Trauma, and Personality Traits in Patients with Borderline Personality Disorder and Their Sisters,” Lise Laporte, Joel Paris and others studied the sisters of female patients with BPD.  They state in the abstract: "Most sisters showed little evidence of psychopathology [mental problems]. Both groups reported dysfunctional parent-child relationships and a high prevalence of childhood trauma.
Dr. Joel Paris, my colleague in the Association for Research in Personality Disorders

They concluded that the psychological traits of “affective instability” [high reactivity and emotionality] and impulsiveness predicted the degree of borderline pathology over and above the effects of childhood trauma or adversity.  They do not claim that these traits are genetic or inborn exactly, but that seems to be the implication.  Of course, inborn traits do affect the likelihood of the development of borderline personality disorder, but perhaps not in the way that the authors of this study imply.  More on that shortly.
On closer look at the actual numbers, however, a somewhat different picture emerges.  True, only three of 56 sisters in the sample had the disorder themselves, and parental neglect was equally prevalent among the patients and their sisters. However, 76.8% of patients with BPD reported emotional abuse, while only 53.4% of sisters did.  The severity of this type of abuse was also higher for the patients.  Differences in sexual abuse were even more pronounced, with 26.8% of patients and only 8.9% of sisters reporting such abuse.  In this case, however, the severity of the abuse suffered was similar.
As the authors point out, we know that childhood trauma alone does not lead predictably to any specific psychological disorder, but seems to be a risk factor for almost all of them. 
So is resilience in the face of severe family dysfunction primarily genetic?  The short answer is that we do not have the foggiest notion.   In order to really find out, we would have to genotype babies and then do prospective studies lasting all the way through childhood in which the family was filmed twenty-four hours a day – an impossible task.  Maybe the focus of maladaptive parenting was greater on one child than another, and the difference in focus is what leads to the affective instability and impulsivity in the affected sibling – although genes clearly might make one sibling somewhat more prone to these traits than another. 

The authors discount the idea that the dysfunctional parenting was differentially applied  to the sisters in their study, despite the significant differences in some of the numbers.  The sisters, they wrote, reported “equally impaired” relationship with the parents.
But this conclusion may be due to the fact that the important differences in parenting between siblings are far more subtle than studies of this type can possibly measure.  The number of beatings by the father, for example, may be the same for the two girls, but what about everything else that takes place in the father's separate relationships with the two daughters?  Was the father nicer to one than the other at those times when he was not being abusive?  What was said to each girl during the beatings?  I find that details such as these are of crucial importance in understanding patients with BPD.
As I said in my blogpost of Sept 15, Childhood Sexual Abuse Taken Out of Context: “Studies that examine psychological and social variables in child sexual abuse (CSA) tend to focus on factors such as who the perpetrator was, what type of abuse was suffered (penetration vs. fondling, for example), the severity and frequency of the abuse, and whether the social welfare or criminal justice system became involved. Rarely, the response of non-abusive relatives to CSA victims, usually the mother, is examined. ..

Clearly, most of the victim’s interactions with perpetrators and bystanders alike occur at times when abuse is not occurring, and these other parts of such relationships may also have profound effects on the victim’s later relationships and self image. Again, due to their staggering complexity and intermittent nature, they are difficult to study using statistical techniques.

Contextual factors include the entire history of the relationship between the victim and the perpetrator: what is said during, before, and after the abuse; what the relationship between victim and perpetrators is like when the abuse is not taking place; what other people in the family are doing at the time of the abuse and at other times; how each family member relates to the victim; who if anybody knows what is going on and whether or not they intervene; and a whole host of other characteristics of the interpersonal environment of the victim.
Even during abuse, a victim’s interactions with a perpetrator is not limited to the sex act alone. Words may be spoken; other activities may occur right before, right after, and even simultaneously.”  
These considerations are, while of vital importance, are almost impossible to quantify.

“So get to the question of why one child is singled out already,” I hear you complaining.  “Why would parents focus their conflictual behavior on one or perhaps two of their children, leaving the others relatively unscathed?"  OK, OK, I'll tell you why I think that happens. 
In families with several children, which child or children become the primary focus of the parents’ conflicts and problems depends on a variety of factors.  Certainly a child’s innate temperament plays a role, so we cannot leave genetics completely out of the equation.  A parent who really does not fully want to be a parent but who feels guilty about this impulse (something commonly seen in families that produce a child with BPD), will react more problematically to an innately difficult child than to an easy child.  The latter simply requires a lot less attention, while the former requires much more time. 
Additionally, the problems exhibited by a difficult child may feed into a parent’s guilt over wishes to be free of family burdens.  The parents may become concerned that perhaps their unacknowledged dislike for taking care of children is the cause of the child’s problems.  Hence, parents who are already feeling overburdened yet guilty will often feel guiltier with difficult children.  In response, they often try to overcompensate by getting more involved with those children, which may then further increase their resentment over the parenting role.  The difficult temperament of the child and the internal conflict of the parents feed off of one another, leading to more family conflict and chaos, and so forth.

I will describe how the parents may develop such an internal conflict in my next post. 
Another major factor which determines which child or children become “It” has to do with the natural similarities between particular children and the parents themselves, or between the children and other family members with whom the parents may have had a conflictual or problematic relationship.  Parents are well known to both identify and counter-identify with their own children. 
Say, for example, the mother is the oldest sister in a traditional Chicano family and had been required to give up her social life or college as a young woman in order to take care of her younger siblings.  She then grows up and has children of her own, thrusting her back into the exact same, conflictual position. Because of identification, she might feel sorry for her oldest daughter and envious of her youngest daughter.  Conversely, depending on the extent and severity of her resentment and her conflict over it, she might be harshest on the eldest daughter, who reminds her most of herself.
Either way, the manner in which she interacts with each daughter will be completely different. 
In a similar fashion, light skinned vs. dark skinned children in black families may be the seed of subconscious differential treatment by parents.
Yet another major factor in one child becoming “It” is that parents may often subconsciously displace conflicted feelings about their own parents or other family members on to children who have a physical resemblance or a similar innate personality to the problem parent. That child may then become the focus of the parent’s anger, guilt, or a variety of other problematic feelings, thereby creating a special bond (be it positive or negative) with that particular child and not with any of the others.
Because of the multiplicity of factors involved, determining the exact reasons why one child is the primary focus in any particular family is a speculative and difficult endeavor.  Luckily, in psychotherapy an absolutely accurate and precise identification of these factors is not necessary for planning strategies for altering dysfunctional interactions.  An educated guess will usually suffice.

Wednesday, March 24, 2010

Dysfunctional Families and Mental Disorders: A Large New Study

In February's Archives of General Psychiatry (Vol 67[2], 2010, pp. 113-123) there are two articles from the same study (Green et. al.; Mclaughlin et. al.) adding new "proof" to what we already know about how maladaptive family functioning (parental mental illness, parental substance abuse, criminal behavior, domestic violence, physical and abuse sexual abuse, and neglect) are major risk factors for a host of mental disorders.

They do not even include personality disorders in the studies.

Really, the papers should have been published in one of my two favorite journals that specialize in papers that prove what any halfway-observant person already knows: Duh! and No ----, Sherlock.

There have been many earlier articles showing that certain types of family problems such as child sexual abuse are risk factors for certain disorders. Most of them show positive correlations.

These new studies upped the ante by looking at multiple forms of childhood adversity and many different disorders. (We already knew that these adversity types are pretty non-specific and are risk factors for many different disorders- this was confirmed in the new articles).

In the first article, in a survey of over 9200 subjects, the authors found that the different types of childhood adversities were highly correlated. This means that if you have been exposed to, say, domestic violence, the chances are excellent that you also have other adversities as well. Multiple adversities was the norm.

The higher the count, the more likely an individual was to have the various mental disorders that they looked at, although the increase in the strength of the association was smaller with each additional exposure.

By the way, the authors did not look at the severity of the traumas or how long they went on, which would be expected to be additional factors.

In the second article, maladaptive family functioning was also associated with the persistence of the individual mental disorders with which they correlated. This effect was NOT seen with other childhood adversities such as childhood financial adversity or parental divorce.